LEARN the facts at http://www.TheTruthAboutRefugees.com
Ezra Levant of TheRebel.media asks: Who benefits from the march of Muslim migrants through Europe? Journalists and politicians on the Left are just giddy about it.
He believes this enthusiasm is “an act of emotional therapy,” especially for guilty white Germans, for whom taking in all these migrants is akin to committing cultural suicide.
In Europe, as in America, the elite Left’s “humanitarian” open borders policy is often just a thinly disguised desire for cheap labour. Plus all these new “underprivileged” people will “need” social workers and welfare bureaucrats…
Levant predicts this mass migration will “uncork new bigotry as Europe’s good will is taken advantage of.” And that’s not all…
LEARN the facts at http://www.TheTruthAboutRefugees.com
READ The Enemy Within: Terror, Lies, and the Whitewashing of Omar Khadr, Ezra Levant’s new book about domestic terrorism and radicalization.
A paralyzed man was denied a subsidized apartment — because he’s not Muslim!
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Right after the financial crisis, Greece’s center-left party was in firm control of the country, having won the 2009 elections with 38 percent of the vote. But a few years later, PASOK was all but destroyed, falling to a mere 5 percent of the vote in 2015. The reason was eurozone elites’ favorite policy, austerity, which pushed Greek unemployment up past 20 percent for over four years and counting. As Herbert Hoover could tell you, it’s not so great for one’s political fortunes to be in command of government during a full-blown depression.
The exact same process has now happened to Syriza, the Greek leftist party that came from virtually nothing to an outright victory in 2015. But after months of fighting with eurozone elites, Syriza leader Alexis Tsipras blinked and backed down in July of last year, and yet more austerity was stuffed down Greece’s throat. As an obvious consequence, Tsipras’ favorability rating has plummeted to 17 percent, with 85 percent government disapproval. The Greek political table is now set for any party bold or extreme enough to try what Tsipras dared not. Fascists are the most likely candidate.
Let’s recall how Greece got to its present situation. The 2008 crisis left Greece with a totally unpayable load of debt, the result of irresponsible budgeting from previous Greek governments on the one hand and equally irresponsible lending, mostly from French and German banks, on the other. But instead of granting Greece an orderly partial default, so that it could take a sharp economic blow but be placed on a road to eventual recovery, eurozone elites used Greece as a scapegoat for their own failure to properly supervise their banking system. They pushed through several non-default “bailouts” of Greece, virtually all of which was a camouflaged rescue of lender banks, and covered their domestic political flanks by forcing tremendous austerity on the Greek people. That, plus the fact that the common currency means no devaluation to try for export-led recovery, plunged Greece into depression.
Syriza came to power promising to end austerity by any means at hand. Aside from Tsipras, the key figure in this effort was the Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis, who argued endlessly with the Eurogroup (the club of eurozone finance ministers) that Greece’s economic situation was untenable and some relief must be arranged.
He made no progress whatsoever. After some months of negotiations, Syriza and the eurozone elite class reached a crisis point. The elite mounted a multi-pronged economic attack on Greece to coerce Syriza to surrender, most notably in the form of a bank run deliberately caused by the European Central Bank. In response, Syriza held a referendum on austerity, which they won handily. Varoufakis presented a plan to partially quit the eurozone and forcibly wrest control of the Greek economy back into Greek hands. But Tsipras didn’t believe this would work, and so accepted the brutal elite terms. In that moment, the eventual political doom of Syriza was sealed.
After quitting government, Varoufakis came to believe that all the endless arguments he’d had with eurozone elites were nothing more than a delaying tactic to string out Greek negotiators so the economic attacks could have time to bite. It was bad faith from the beginning, he said, and everything that happened in 2015 bears out this perspective.
However, Varoufakis’ plan is still lying there, untried. As economist J.W. Mason explained at the time, a restoration of Greek economic sovereignty without a complete break from the euro isn’t too hard to imagine. Despite the common currency, the old Greek central bank is still around, complete with euro-printing capability, conducting the day-to-day operations of eurozone policy. Therefore, any anti-austerity program would involve seizing the Bank of Greece, announcing a backstop of all Greek bank deposits and Greek government debt, and simultaneously slamming down capital controls to prevent money fleeing the country. Once that is secure, massive fiscal stimulus would then be put through — largely by reversing previous cuts — paid for by new debt, whose interest rates will be kept down by the central bank. Old creditors will be presented with a choice between a new debt swap or repudiation.
If this can be executed successfully, there will be immediate and explosive growth, restoring full employment within a few years. New tax revenue will come pouring into the Greek treasury, freeing up money for other priorities.
One of the many crushing disappointments about Syriza’s inability to pull this off is how they inadvertently plowed the road for fascists to do it. The plan is there, and now so is the knowledge that utter duplicity and contempt for democracy on the part of eurozone elites must be assumed. If Greek sovereignty is to be restored, the Varoufakis plan will have to be rammed through in the middle of the night, after being carefully prepared in secret.
By: Ryan Cooper
Cordery was speaking at a Fabian Society fringe event at the UK Labour Party Annual Conference in Liverpool.
“I think what happened in the UK at the referendum could have happened [in] almost every other country in the European Union – except in the other countries no Prime Minister would have been as irresponsible as to ask for a referendum,” Cordery, who is half English, said, as quoted by The Independent.
“If we look today, euroscepticism is growing everywhere, populist movements are growing everywhere in Europe,” he added.
Cordery also said that there is a widespread perception in Europe that the bloc is moving in the wrong direction.
“We’ve suffered from 10 years of tough austerity policies at the European level and people don’t see the EU as progress in terms of jobs, in terms of the economy, in terms of social progress.”
Philip Cordery used to serve as the general secretary of the Party of European Socialists, a group whose aim is enhancing mutual cooperation within the EU.
The British people voted to leave the EU during a referendum in June, and the process of Brexit is very complex: as of now, neither a timetable nor the terms for it have been set up.
Over the past 18 months, Europe has been engulfed by a migrant crisis, with a record 1.3 million asylum seekers registered in the EU in 2015, with almost 30 percent of them from Syria, according to estimates compiled by Eurostat in March.
Following the Brexit, many (mainly far-right) European leaders said they could hold their own referendums.
In June, French politician Marine le Pen called for a ‘Frexit’ vote, while a similar mood was apparent in The Netherlands: Geert Wilders, leader of the Dutch right-wing, populist PVV party, currently topping opinion polls, openly expressed hopes a ‘Nexit’ could follow a ‘Brexit.’ In the Czech Republic, Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka said in February that “if Britain leaves the EU, we can expect debates about leaving the EU in a few years too.”
At the end of June, a survey showed that 40 percent of Austrians want their own referendum on EU membership. In March, a poll in France showed that 53 percent of the country’s citizens wanted to hold a vote. In May, a poll conducted in Germany indicated that 29 percent of Germans were in favor of leaving the bloc.
SWEDISH police are losing the battle against increasing levels crime and violence in the country as now 55 areas have been labelled as “no-go” zones.
Swedish police are losing the battle against increasing levels crime and violence in the country
A regular shift for the Swedish force includes being attacked by thugs who throw stones
Three officers are handing in their notice every day as the crisis deepens
By: Lizzie Stromme